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Oromia the home of Gadaa System

Ambassador Suleyman Daddafoo: Bara 1992 akkaataa EPRDF ABO dhiibee biyya baase. የቡዳ መድኃኒት በጀርመን ፍራንክፈርት:: OMN: Gaafii fi deebii Obbo Galaasaa Dilboo HD-ABO VOA: Hidhaa fi Dararaa waggaa kudhiif maatii irrra ga'e.

Recasting the Federal Arrangment is not part of thr popular Deman, Nor is it within Abyi's Mandet.

Posted 11/4/2019

By Tsegaye Ararssa
"Sirna federaalawaa reefu jaaraa jirra. Sirna federaalawaa jiru ni diigna. Inni diigamuu baannaan jijjiiramni hinjiru. Isa ni diigna; maqaa ni jijjiirra; caaseeffama ni jijjiirra. Kun ta'uu baannaan jijjiiramni hinjiru." Ashagre 
in Harar.
This is an overreach on the part of the Prime Minister.
The reform sought by the people was for democratic transformation through a more robust implementation of the constitutional rights.
The rallying cry during the protest movement was for more self-rule in the federation (Oromia, Sidama, etc), for more recognition of distinct identities (Qemant, Konso, Walqayit, Agaw, etc), and for a more robust system of representation of various cultures, languages, symbols, memories, and narratives in the 'national' identity markers of the Ethiopian State. In short, the demand was for a more genuine federalism.

For sure, the popular demand wasn't for the regime to recast the federal frame that is now in place. And doing so is not even within the proper purview of the mandate granted to any government, let alone a transitional one that is preserved from near annihilation under the Qeerroo's revolutionary wrath.
And by the way,
If any rethinking is to be done, it can only be done through a constitutional process initiated by a democratically elected Parliament. That Parliament can go about it either through:
a) a constitutional amendment process under arts 104-105; or
b) a constitutional revision initiated by extraordinary parliamentary committee specifically tasked with the responsibility to present a proposed revision to the amending bodies.
Abiy's claim that there can't be change without revamping the federal system is rather disingenuous, or a gross misunderstanding (or total lack of knowledge) of the constitutional system he found himself in.
First of all, recasting the federal structure wasn't part of the popular demands articulated during the protest. The reform called for was for democratization, decentraluzation (more federalization, self-rule, autonomy), cultural and linguistic recognition, and a more just and a fairer distribution of the dividends of economic growth. None of these modest demands have been addressed so far.
Abiy's attempt to ignore these demands and to insist on a rethinking of the federal system shows how lopsided his priorities are. It also betrays his hidden agenda to subvert the federalism in order for him to fulfill his dream of "saving Ethiopia from Oromos and its other others".
It's also going beyond his mandate as a leader of a transitional government that has been granted "a grace period" within which to redeem itself. Perhaps that is not to be, particularly now.
Moreover, one of the untouchables of the constitution as it stands now is the Federal Structure of the polity. Thus, Art 1 (the provision that spells out the state's nomenclature, i.e., the official legal name, of the polity and the federal structure interpellated therein) is one of the five provisions that are so fundamental, so sacrosanct, that not even in emergency situations can anyone override, derogate from, or suspend. The other four articles are arts 18 (freedom from torture), 25 (freedom from discrimination), 39(1)(political self-determination), and art 39(2) (cultural self-determination). This is clearly enunciated in Art 93 (2)c of the constitution.
In other words, the Federal structure, along with the collective rights of self-determination (39(1-2) and the individual rights of freedom from torture (18) and discrimination (25) are the jural postulates, the fundamental values, or the axiomatic principles, that no one--not even a democratic government--can change on fiat.
Abiy's ignorance of this basic principle shows that he is not capable of living up to the pledge, under oath, to defend and protect the constitution under which he assumed power.
His otherwise deliberate neglect of these principles as he dashes out to recentralize power at whim in the name of jijjiirama clearly shows that he hails from another political universe that is alien to the constitutional system, alien to the history of the polity, or to the everyday reality of life in Ethiopia, and the peoples' immediate demands (demands born out of their contemporary suffering under EPRDF).
Abiy's statement in Harar (quoted above) is another evidence of his unwillingness or his manifest incompetence to bring about the change sought.
That's why I insist that Abiy must go, and do so immediately.